Slow Motion.


The Language of Terror: Part II.
October 13, 2006, 10:44 am
Filed under: book, politics, terrorism, world

A few days ago, I wrote about the language of terror. My intent is not to excuse the actions of the terrorists – what they did was wrong, there’s no doubt about that. The problem, however, is the absolute refusal of mainstream media and discussions to explore the reasons why these people felt they had to resort to violence in such a public, large-scale manner. I think it’s absolutely daft to bury our heads in the sand and not look for answers. I would think that after being attacked, one of the first questions people would ask once the dust had settled is why?

The unfortunate thing is that there seems not to be much information out there as to why these people want our attention. It seems like to seriously ask ‘why’ is to somehow mark yourself as a ‘terrorist sympathiser’. As though engaging in discussions and diplomacy with the terrorists is a cop-out to all the people that have died, and an admission that we’re weak, because we’re willing to listen.

Well, excuse me, but that’s bollocks.

If talking to the terrorists will help us stop the needless killing of more civilians, then I’m all for it. If diplomacy and sensitivity is what it takes, then why aren’t we trying?

So this is the question: why? Why did the terrorists attack the US on that day? What is the purpose they are trying to achieve? What do they want from the US, and from all of us?

That’s the question I’m asking, and the question to which I’ll be searching for answers.

Meanwhile, here’s an excerpt from the book, in which Richard Jackson quotes from Peter Bergen’s book, Holy War, Inc.: Inside The Secret World of Osama bin Laden, then comments on it:

[From Bergen’s book:] “In all the tens of thousands of words that bin Laden has uttered on public record, he does not rail against the pernicious effects of Hollywood movies, or against Madonna’s midriff, or against the pornography protected by the US Constitution… bin Laden cares little about such cultural issues. What he condemns the United States for is simple: its policies in the Middle East… the continued US military presence in Arabia; US support for Israel; its continued bombing of Iraq; and its support for regimes such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

The hijackers who came to America did not attack the headquarters of a major brewery or AOL-Time Warner or Coca-Cola, nor did they attack Las Vegas or Manhattan’s West Village, or even the Supreme Court. They attacked the Pentagon and the World Trade Center, preeminent symbols of the United States’ military and economic might.”

And Jackson’s comment on this quote:

In other words, bin Laden attacked America for clearly defined political reasons, in the belief that just as the 1983 suicide bombings drove American forces out of Lebanon, and just as a sustained terrorist campaign drove the Soviets out of Afghanistan, so too would terror attacks force America to change its policies in the Middle East. Within this alternative narrative, the reasons America was attacked take on a whole new meaning, and the attackers actually emerge as rational and complex political actors rather than one-dimensional hate-filled anti-modernists.

I would argue that seeing the terrorists in this light actually makes them scarier than the alternative: irrational and simple-minded religious extremists. To see them as being rational means that each time they strike a target, it’s with a specific intent and purpose. They have objectives, and killing civilians is a part of that.

Writing them off as irrational religious extremists, then, is a dangerous line to take as it oversimplifies the issue.

Instead, we need to be asking the questions, and engaging in dialogue with the terrorists and their leaders, to find out what they want. It’s not good enough to simply assume we know – this isn’t a game. Real people’s lives are at stake, and it’s not worth the pride of a politician to jeopardise that.


6 Comments so far
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Well said.

One statesman said, “Understanding the validity of your opponent’s position is the beginning of diplomacy.”

In this case, as comedian Bill Maher has said: “The reason they hate us is that we don’t know why they hate us.”

Comment by Monte

More devil’s advocate!

“It seems like to seriously ask ‘why’ is to somehow mark yourself as a ‘terrorist sympathiser’.”

I think you’re drastically underestimating the amount of questioning that went on after 9/11 and I think you’re also drastically simplifying the matter as well.

“If talking to the terrorists will help us stop the needless killing of more civilians, then I’m all for it. If diplomacy and sensitivity is what it takes, then why aren’t we trying?”

Who do we talk to? bin Laden won’t associate with us in any way, so he’s out (heck, he could be dead). Even if he would, where would that get us? That’s the problem with a terrorist organization. It’s distributed and everyone operates under their own authority. Major attacks since 9/11 had nothing to do with bin Laden (except insofar as he praised them). Many people like to say that you can’t fight an ideology. That might be true, but you can’t negotiate with an ideology either. Part of the issue in Israel, for many years, was the fiction that Arafat somehow spoke for all Palestinians. He didn’t. Negotiating an agreement with him meant Israel would have an agreement with him – not necessarily the Palestinians and certainly not groups like Hamas (unless Arafat managed to get the Israelis to agree to mass suicide).

“In all the tens of thousands of words that bin Laden has uttered on public record, he does not rail against the pernicious effects of Hollywood movies, or against Madonna’s midriff, or against the pornography protected by the US Constitution”

Perhaps not specifically ‘Hollywood’ & ‘Madonna’, but the whole ‘restoration of the Global Caliphate’ thing kinda flies in the face of what you’re trying to say. Also, why is it that everyone takes Osama bin Laden’s rhetoric at its word, as if it is somehow more honest than any other political figure’s speech? And as I’ve already said, bin Laden may have lead the most recent big attacks against us, but that doesn’t mean that an agreement with bin Laden would end terrorism.

“Instead, we need to be asking the questions, and engaging in dialogue with the terrorists and their leaders, to find out what they want. It’s not good enough to simply assume we know – this isn’t a game. Real people’s lives are at stake, and it’s not worth the pride of a politician to jeopardise that.”

I agree in general, but how can we know? How do we know that bin Laden speaks for all terrorists?

I read something once about how bin Laden tailors his speeches to various audiences. In the West, he will often adopt the language of Western critics, but only after his own rhetoric (such as the whole global caliphate thing) had failed.

My thoughts on bin Laden are that he’s a mouthpiece, a strategic communicator, but not an actual leader (at least, not anymore). He’s a propaganda machine now, so talking to him would be useless. He can’t get us what we need anymore.

Does that mean we shouldn’t be talking to the terrorists? Of course not. In Iraq, we talk to such groups often. The problem is that there are many of them (on the order of 50-60) and that their goals are often strategically divergent, even if they’re working together tactically.

Ok, i’m rambling now and need to run:P

Comment by Mark (tallman)

I think you’re drastically underestimating the amount of questioning that went on after 9/11

More like questioning the quality of the questioning.

Many people like to say that you can’t fight an ideology. That might be true, but you can’t negotiate with an ideology either.

No, but you can negotiate with those who espouse that ideology.

Or you could take the most basic of surveys amongst even the ‘moderates’ to find out what their gripe is. It might just be enlightening.

Or you could use a tactic that I don’t know of at all. I’m not here to propose a strategy on how to do it. I’m not trained nor experienced in political diplomacy, and wouldn’t know where to begin in translating that into practical methods. That’s the job of the experts. I’m simply saying that those ‘experts’ need to get off their asses and do something towards diplomatic relations, rather than taking the easy route out and invading anyone who they even vaguely suspect to be suspicious, as seems to be the case now.

That’s their job. I’m simply suggesting they do their job.

Comment by julenka

In this case, as comedian Bill Maher has said: “The reason they hate us is that we don’t know why they hate us.”

Interesting way to put it. :) Thanks, Monte.

Comment by julenka

You’re welcome!
Mark wrote: “I think you’re drastically underestimating the amount of questioning that went on after 9/11″
You’re recall the President’s early post-9/11 statements included the mantra: “You’re either for us or against us.” Who’s over-simplifying? This was a concerted effort to inhibit questioning.
“Who would we talk to?” Perhaps the deficiency isn’t in talking as much as in listening. And not to the Osamas of the world – but to voices of reason who disagree with us.
Questions like “How will this invasion be perceived in the Muslim world?” were sneered at as “politically correct” or “sensitive.” Neoconservatism makes no bones about its intent not to listen to international outcry.
But almost everyone – even Rumsfeld – now agrees that Iraq has become the world’s hotbed of terrorist development. It didn’t have to be that way! Neocons, in seeing security as mostly a military issue, have failed to see what true statesmen know: deep and careful understanding of others’ views is National Security 101. Strength is more than guns and bluster.

Comment by Monte

Another good point, Monte: Perhaps the deficiency isn’t in talking as much as in listening.

That’s actually a really good point, and a better way of putting it than what I did. Heh.

Thanks again. :)

Comment by julenka




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